This morning, over on ConservativeHome, I read about this sadly misguided effort by a group of prominent British historians who’ve come out against the Alternative Vote. The actual letter written by the group was published in the Times, which is behind a paywall, but ConservativeHome kindly reprinted it in full:
Dear Sir,
Our nation’s history is deeply rooted in our parliamentary democracy, a democracy in which, over centuries, men and women have fought for the right to vote.
That long fight for suffrage established the principle of one man or woman, one vote. The principle that each person’s vote is equal, regardless of wealth, gender, race, or creed, is a principle to which generations of reformers have dedicated their lives. It is a principle upon which reform of our parliamentary democracy still stands.
The referendum on 5th May which threatens to introduce a system of ‘Alternative Voting’ – a voting system which will allow MPs to be elected to Parliament even if they do not win the majority of constituents’ first preference votes – also threatens to break this principle.
For the first time since 1928 and the granting of universal suffrage, we face the possibility that one person’s casting ballot will be given greater weight than another. For the first time in centuries, we face the unfair idea that one citizen’s vote might be worth six times that of another. It will be a tragic consequence if those votes belong to supporters of extremist and non-serious parties.
Twice in our past, the nation has rejected any threat to the principle of one citizen, one vote. The last time, in 1931, Winston Churchill stood against the introduction of an Alternative Vote system. As he argued, AV would mean that elections would be determined by “the most worthless votes given for the most worthless candidates”. He understood that it was simply too great a risk to take.
The cause of reform, so long fought for, cannot afford to have the fundamentally fair and historic principle of majority voting cast aside; nor should we sacrifice the principle which generations of men and women have sought: that each being equal, every member of our society should cast an equal vote.
For these reasons, we urge the British people to vote “No” on May 5th.
Signed by quite a few confused historians.
Truly, I am left rather speechless by this. I am having such a difficult time understanding how anyone can argue in good faith that AV grants some people more votes. That this group of (one assumes) quite intelligent and educated individuals really believe that AV represents a “threat to the principle of one citizen, one vote” is – I have no words.
Luckily for all of us, ABC’s Antony Green is already all over this one. Allow me to share a few passages from his post, but please read it in its entirety.
In response to this passage from the letter:
For the first time since 1928 and the granting of universal suffrage, we face the possibility that one person’s casting ballot will be given greater weight than another. For the first time in centuries, we face the unfair idea that one citizen’s vote might be worth six times that of another. It will be a tragic consequence if those votes belong to supporters of extremist and non-serious parties.
Green replies:
Where has this six number come from again? Why not four, as in horses of the apocalypse, or seven as days in the week, or ten as in plagues of Egypt?
The magic number six is being tossed into the debate to suggest that some people have more votes than others. They don’t. The Alternative Vote is a way of counting numbered ballot papers in such a manner that if the count comes down to two candidates, one will have more ballot papers in their favour than the other candidate. There are no multiple votes, the number of ballot papers does not change.
From the letter:
Twice in our past the nation has rejected any threat to the principle of one citizen, one vote. The last time, in 1931, Winston Churchill stood against the introduction of an alternative vote (AV) system. As he argued, AV would mean that elections would be determined by “the most worthless votes given for the most worthless candidates”. He understood that it was simply too great a risk to take.
The cause of reform, so long fought for, cannot afford to have the fundamentally fair and historic principle of majority voting cast aside; nor should we sacrifice the principle that generations of men and women have sought: that each being equal, every member of our society should cast an equal vote.
For these reasons, we urge the British people to vote “No” on May 5.
Green’s rebuttal:
Quote Churchill, that’s obviously a clinching argument. With the greatest of respect to Mr Churchill, a quick look at Australian electoral history reveals that he may be wrong on dismissing preferences as somehow worthless.
When you trawl through Australian elections where preferences changed results, they almost always involve matters of principle, important votes not worthless votes.
Liberal and National candidates running against each other and swapping preferences aren’t involved in some worthless exchange. They were acting on matters of principle to defeat Labor candidates.
Democratic Labor Party voters and candidates, who for two decades acted to help elect Liberal and National MPs, were doing so because of those parties’ unambiguous opposition to Communism , not on some worthless whimsy.
And nor have Green voters in recent years been engaged in a worthless exercise. They have directed preferences in the hope of best achieving their party’s goals.
The major parties have acted together to defeat Pauline Hanson and One Nation candidates. The Liberal Party has begun to act to defeat Greens candidates by preferences. Whatever you think of the justice of these cases, they are not matters of worthless votes.
Green could also have quoted what Churchill had to say about FPTP: “The present system has clearly broken down. The results produced are not fair to any party, nor to any section of the community. In many cases they do not secure majority representation, nor do they secure an intelligent representation of minorities. All they secure is fluke representation, freak representation, capricious representation.”
Green concludes his post thusly:
A case built on misrepresenting how votes are counted, reciting one quote from Churchill and ignoring eight decades of Australian experience, is not a compelling argument, despite the eminence of the accompanying historian’s names.
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